Alice Springs lies in the heart of Australia, 1200km from the nearest city. With a population of around 27,000 the town is also the service centre for another 20,000+ people living throughout Central Australia’s smaller towns and numerous remote communities. Alice Springs is now a modern tourist town with sprawling suburbs, but it is only 130 years since the first white colonists established the humble Telegraph Station from which the town has grown.
Scattered on the outskirts of the expanding Alice Springs township are 21 Town Camps that are home to approximately 1700-2000 Aboriginal people (Foster et al 2005). Residents are from a variety of family and language groups but many have lived here for 3 or 4 generations. There is an additional fluctuating visitor population of around 1000-1300 who come to Alice Springs for a whole variety of reasons[1]. While each Camp has a unique identity, they are united by a shared experience of poverty. This includes fiscal poverty as well as deprivation of access to education, health care, water and sanitation, employment, as well as deprivation of social participation, control and self-determination[2]. Town Campers view all of this through the lens of history, so to appreciate the current poverty in Alice Springs Town Camps it is essential to understand their experience of dispossession and exclusion at the hands of non-Aboriginal settlers.History of Town Camps
The traditional owners of Alice Springs are the Arrente people who, together with their neighbour nations, have lived in central Australia for centuries. Dispossession began in the 1870s with the arrival of non-Aboriginal settlers and by 1903 the whole of Central Australia was under lease to these individuals and corporations (HREOC 1997). Town Camps sprung from this dispossession and were well established by the time Alice Springs town was chartered in the 1880s[3] (Coghlan 1991).
Protectionist policy began at the turn of the century involving the removal of all “half-caste” children and continuing into the 1940s leaving the infamous “Stolen Generation” legacy. This coincided with the classification of Alice Springs as a “prohibited area” for Aboriginal people whereby any Aboriginal person found in the town perimeters after 7pm in the evening could be arrested[4] (Tangentyere 2000). This developed into a concerted attempt to remove all Town Camps, with official policy demanding residents relocate to settlements and missions out bush where assimilation could take place[5] (Coghlan 1991).
The Town Camp communities survived all this and by the 1960s had began agitating for formal lease agreements[6]. The 1970s and 1980s saw Town Camps gradually obtain status as individually incorporated “Housing Associations” and granted “leases in perpetuity” by the Northern Territory government. They established a representative group called Tangentyere[7] (formally incorporated in 1977), to improve services, housing and infrastructure in their communities. Despite some significant progress in land control, service provision and infrastructure improvements since then, Town Camps still remain impoverished and bear the brunt of Alice Springs’ social problems.
Poverty in Town Camps
Financial Poverty
The majority of Town Campers are unemployed and not currently capable of obtaining work in the formal sector[8]. Some are involved in the short-term Community Development Employment Program (CDEP) receiving welfare benefits in return. Some people participate from informal sector activities (e.g. painting and traditional art), but this is often undermined by mainstream exploitation. Barriers to employment include lack of education, inadequate English and literacy skills, ill health, and social problems such as criminal records or drug dependence. Many Town Campers express a desire for work and many have been employed on programs such as CDEP previously however they see little future for themselves in the mainstream workforce. Not only are Town Campers living well below the poverty line but many are financially illiterate. This makes them particularly vulnerable to falling into debt and bankruptcy due to taking out ill-advised loans[9].
InfrastructureHousing is administered by Tangentyere Council[10] under the direction of a Housing committee of elected Town Camp residents. The housing shortage in Town Camps remains severe despite huge improvements from the days of tents and “humpies”. With only 191 houses and 82 tin sheds to shelter their 2000 residents, overcrowding is the norm[11]. Sewerage and water facilities within Camps are antiquated and most have exceeded their life-span resulting in poor service and excessive costs for residents (ASTCTF 2006). Road access is adequate in most camps however street lighting and sealed pedestrian access is almost non-existent. Telephone access is not routinely available in Town Camps creating a major barrier to accessing services. Postal mail is managed through Tangentyere Council with no financial support from Australia Post or government agencies. Town Campers are acutely aware of the disparity between Town Camp infrastructure and suburban infrastructure and regard it as part of their ongoing marginalisation.
Services
Health services are accessed through the Central Australian Aboriginal Congress (CAAC) and the public hospital. This provides a broad range of health services for free and the CAAC bus service assists in access. Barriers include lack of telephone and postal services, language and cultural barriers[12]. Few Town Campers are comfortable in the mainstream health services and absconding from hospital before being medically cleared is commonplace. The appalling health statistics of Aboriginal Australians is well documented and the Territory government has been under attack for its perceived neglect[13].
There are a number of public schools, including a dedicated Aboriginal school (Yeperinya) but school enrolment and attendance remains low with a significant deficit in educational outcomes between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal children. This is due to many issues, including overcrowding, domestic tension, alcohol and other drug abuse and poor nutrition. Aboriginal children invariably come from non-English speaking backgrounds and their families have low literacy levels. Within local schools there is tension between Town Camp kids and mainstream kids with perceived inferiorities entrenched at an early age. Town Campers seem to appreciate the benefits of education for their children however it often gets lost as a priority when housing, food and the consequences of alcohol abuse and violence take so much of their time and energy.
Legal services are provided through a couple of local Aboriginal agencies. Access to Financial and other Social services has been made easier by the recent establishment of Tangentyere Council’s “one-stop shop”, including a Westpac Bank branch, Centrelink office, Housing office, Financial Counsellor and a Referral service.
Social Ills
Alcohol consumption in the Northern Territory is twice the national average with Alice Springs topping the chart for alcohol related deaths and hospital admissions (ASTCTF 2006). Town Campers are disproportionately represented in this cohort and alcohol is acknowledged as a major problem by all sectors of the Alice Springs community. Alcohol is very freely available in town and only one Town Camp has managed to establish itself as a ‘dry community’[14]. Among many Town Campers heavy alcohol consumption has become a lifestyle norm and when asked how often they drink a common reply is ‘until the money finishes up’[15]. Despite this Town Campers are aware that alcohol is a huge problem and to campaign for increased restrictions on alcohol.
Escalating violence has sent fear through Alice Springs, with residents ranking community safety as the greatest social concern (NT Government, 2006). Most violence is perpetuated by and against Aboriginal people and the most vulnerable are Aboriginal females, for whom violence is now the leading cause of death. Alcohol is implicated in most violence, with other factors including complex tribal disputes and poverty-fuelled environmental tension. Police express a growing inability in tackling this violence (ASTCTF 2006). Town Campers feel both embarrassed and helpless when confronted with this violence but recognise very well the underlying causes.
Aboriginal Australians are the most incarcerated indigenous peoples on earth, with Town Campers even more disproportionately represented. Town Campers seek respect of Traditional Law which they regard as more appropriate and effective. Traditional Law is quick, transparent, appropriate to the crime, and delivers justice to all involved. They regard dominant Western Law as protracted, secretive, inappropriate to the crime, and ultimately failing to deliver justice. Interference in Traditional Law by the dominant legal system frequently results in ‘pay-back’ being targeted at the offender’s family and associates. Perpetual cycles of violence between families are unfortunately an all too common reality. In contrast, when Traditional Law has been permitted to take its course families are usually satisfied that justice has prevailed and such ongoing conflict is averted.
Initiatives to Tackle Poverty
Initiatives to target Town Camp poverty come from all levels of government, local Aboriginal controlled organisations and Town Campers themselves. In the past these have been conceived and implemented in an ad hoc way with variable success. In late 2005 the Territory Government created the Alice Springs Town Camp Task Force to enable collaboration between all levels of governance and the Town Campers themselves. The ASTCTF report (2006) listed 16 recommendations - all of which are currently being enacted (however it is too early to remark on their success). Of the pre-existing initiatives a few deserve specific comment.
Alice in 10 is a Territory government action plan for Alice Springs and contains a few projects of particular relevance to Town Campers. Its ‘Education Engagement Strategy’ is aimed at bridging the deficit in Aboriginal education. These include outreach programs, mentoring programs and a highly successful football academy[16].
A Memorandum of Understanding signed in 2000 between the Alice Springs Town Council and Tangentyere Council aimed to deliver services such as roads, street lighting, storm water drainage, waste management, parks, political representation, and various other existing Town Council services to Town Camp residents. Apart from assistance with dog control, none of this has been achieved, though an agreement on waste management is almost signed.
The Connecting Neighbours Program has now given Territory government responsibility to deliver infrastructure and services to all Town Camps. To date the only thing it has delivered is the construction of basic sealed access roads into camps. Provision and upgrade of other essentials has been delayed by bureaucratic debate over which level of government should be responsible[17].
The Two Km Law restricting alcohol consumption in the proximity of liquor outlets has arguably had the effect of pushing more drinkers into Town Camp areas. A Dry Alice Springs Town Centre has been proposed to curb anti-social behaviour and alcohol related violence. However, even the proponents of this admit that it won’t really reduce such behaviour but simply shift it elsewhere[18]. Moderate alcohol supply restrictions have been implemented with good effect; however stricter restrictions are unlikely to be enforced[19]. The Alcohol Court legislation has been welcomed though it is too early to assess its effect.
Tangentyre Council have supported a variety of grassroots initiatives arising from individual Town Camps. A successful example is the Yarrenyte Altere Learning Centre that provides a centre in Larapinta Valley town camp for young people and their elders to interact and learn together. At the time of implementation in 2000, Larapinta Valley kids were identified as very high risk with widespread use of alcohol, petrol/solvent sniffing and heavy involvement in the criminal justice system. Tangentyre also runs a mobile playgroup, youth activity program, crisis accommodation and family support, and aged care assistance in conjunction with the numerous community services noted earlier. Day Patrol, Night Patrol and Youth Patrol are further Tangentyere initiatives to provide an Aboriginal non-Police street presence to assist people in situations of dispute. These have had significant success and have been recognised with a Territory award for there effect in reducing violence. However, they remain reactive in conception and have had little impact on the causes of disputes and violence. A Return to Country program runs alongside the patrols encouraging visitors from communities to return and assisting in transport to do so. Tangentyere initiatives have had variable success, suffering from insecure funding and arguably inconsistent project implementation.
The Community Development Employment Program (CDEP) employs 285 participants and provides valuable training and experience. However, this is on a short-term basis and is not regarded as sufficient bridging to get most participants into mainstream employment.
Earlier this year the Federal and Territory governments announced $80 million ear-marked for raising Town Camp housing and infrastructure to suburban standards. Local leaders calculate that this would probably just be sufficient to cover the improvements necessary. To access this money, Town Campers must relinquish their land to the Territory government (from whom they will then rent or purchase their houses from). In April 2007, much to the government’s surprise, Town Campers overwhelming rejected this, primarily because they could not stomach losing their land. Government and Town Camp leaders are now working together to reach a compromise.
Conclusions
Town Campers live in an appalling state of poverty. The causes stem from their historical dispossession and marginalisation. Perpetuating factors include educational disadvantage, ill health, over-crowding, lack of infrastructure, clashes with the dominant culture, alcohol abuse, and institutional racism. Initiatives to address this have been piece-meal and of varying effect. However, the ASTCTF recommendations offer a genuine hope for improvement. The challenge will be sustaining the political will to complete what will be a difficult and protracted process. With not a single Aboriginal representative on Town Council, it is likely that this will depend largely on the ability of local Aboriginal controlled organisations (particularly Tangentyere) to keep the momentum going.
Acknowledgments
During the research and compilation of this paper I have been privileged to meet with and hear the stories of many local residents. I would particularly like to acknowledge the following people who have assisted me greatly.
Town Campers – thank you for welcoming into your communities, particularly in the midst of the current political and social pressure upon you. Particular thanks to the Williams family (Hidden Valley residents) and Peggy Brown (Hoppy’s Camp President).
Mr. William Tilmouth (CEO, Tangentyere Council) – you were more than generous with your time and assistance, introducing me to the impressive work of your grass-roots organisation and providing invaluable historical and political information.
Ms. Fran Kilgariff (Mayor, Alice Springs Town Council) – thank you for your availability and provision of relevant task force documents.
Dr. Peter Tait (Medical Coordinator, Central Australian Aboriginal Congress) – thank you for sharing your experiences working with the Aboriginal people of Alice Springs, your commitment is very obvious.
References
Alice Springs Town Camps Task Force (2006) ASTCTF Review Report. June 2006.
Centralian Advocate, Tuesday 3 April 2007, ‘Indigenous health rebuke’, Alice Springs: Centralian Advocate.
Coghlan, F. (1991) ‘Aboriginal Town Camps and Tangentyere Council The Battle for Self Determination in Alice Springs’. Unpublished Masters Thesis. Cited in: Tangentyere Council (2000) The Tangentyere Protocols, Alice Springs: Tangentyere Council/CADPHC/CRH.
Dart, J. (2007) ‘Aussie health shame’, Centralian Advocate, Tuesday 3 April 2007, Alice Springs: Centralian Advocate.
Foster, D., Mitchell, J., Ulrich, J., Williams, R. (2005) Population and Mobility in the Town Camps of Alice Springs. Alice Springs: Tangentyere Council Research Unit/Desert Knowledge Cooperative Research Centre.
Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission (1997) Bringing Them Home, ?????
Morrison, G. (2007) ‘No more of this… [Town Camp redevelopment feature]’, Centralian Advocate, Friday March 16 2007, Alice Springs: Centralian Advocate.
Northern Territory Government (2006) The Alice in 10 Times, Issue 10 July 2006, Alice Springs: NT Government.
Rowse, T. (1998) White Flour White Power, .
Weitz, A. and Franceys, R. (2002) Beyond Boundaries: Extending Services to the Urban Poor. Manila: Asian Development Bank.
Tangentyere Council (2000) The Tangentyere Protocols, Tangentyere Council/CADPHC/CRH: Alice Springs.
Tangentyere Council (2004) Tangentyere Council Annual Report 2003-2004, Alice Springs: Tangentyere Council.
Footnotes
[1] These include: social, shopping, sport, ceremonial and to access medical services. The latter is a particular issue, with many people coming in for therapy such as dialysis and requiring numerous family members to accompany them as well (Foster et al 2005). Camping out is prohibited by Council by-laws and accommodation is both expensive and scarce so Town Camps are the default option for anyone with relatives there.
[2] This list is drawn from the definition of poverty provided by Weitz and Franceys (2003) of the ADB.
[3] Coghlan (1991) describes these as existing initially as ration depots and labour camps.
[4] This prohibition was declared in 1928 (Aboriginal Ordinance 1918) and lasted until the 1964 Social Welfare Ordinance was passed (which the Alice Springs Town Management Board attempted to circumvent unsuccessfully on multiple occasions) (Rowse 1998).
[5] The exception to this was the maintenance of a pool of half-caste Aboriginal people in Alice Springs to provide labour for the growing town.
[6] Albert Namatjira and various other artists led the way in their application for Morris Soap Camp, which was initially rejected.
[7] Tangentyere is an Arrente word meaning ‘coming together of people’.
[8] Tangentyere CEO, William Tilmouth, described there being many barriers for Town Campers in bridging to mainstream employment. These include: language (English is never a first language); lack of education; transport difficulties; familial overcrowding and household disruptions; frequent illness; caring for unofficial dependents; differences in culture and world-view (e.g. needing to take part in ‘sorry business’ without notice).
[9] Tangentyere Financial Counsellor, Leigh Shacklady, described a steady stream of clients becoming bankrupt after signing loan agreement that they did not understand. He showed me a current brochure advertising quick cash loans with an interest rate of 1300%. He had just seen a Town Camp client who had borrowed $100 from this lender, defaulted on two repayments, had managed to pay back $100 and now owed over $300 on the original loan!
[10] Tangentyere Council is the representative organization of Town Campers and was established to coordinate services, improve infrastructure and provide a political voice (see Appendix I).
[11] During the influx of visitors it is not uncommon to see more than 20 adults and children occupying a single three bedroom house. It is quite normal to see bedding and blankets strewn outside houses with residents taking turns sleeping, washing and using the limited bathroom facilities. ‘Tin sheds’ are temporary housing facilities for those awaiting a house vacancy. Nearly half of the houses are 30 years old and only eight new houses have been built in the past five years with the backlog on maintenance and upgrading rising exponentially.
[12] The latter is exacerbated by a large number of foreign-trained doctors from non-English speaking backgrounds making the cultural and language gap even wider.
[13] The Australian Medical Association recently declared no confidence in the Northern Territory government over its poor handling of the Aboriginal health crisis. Centralian Advocate, Tuesday 3 April 2007, ‘Indigenous health rebuke’, Darwin: Media Networks. Dart, J. (2007) ‘Aussie health shame’, Centralian Advocate, Tuesday 3 April 2007, Darwin: Media Networks.
[14] It took Abbots Camp residents 7 years to get granted ‘dry town’ permission from the Liquor Commission.
[15] This is exacerbated by the steady flow of visitors who often take advantage of the plentiful supply of cheap alcohol and bring large quantities into the Camps where they are stopping with relatives.
[16] The Clontarf Foundation’s Football Academy links sport to school attendance and supports Aboriginal boys right through to further education and employment.
[17] These include power, water, sewerage, street lighting, creation of individual lots, metering of houses, guttering, kerbing, footpaths and storm water.
[18] Critics say that this ‘elsewhere’ will be into Town Camps, thus putting the most vulnerable (i.e. female Aboriginal Town Campers) at even greater risk and potentially escalating the already shocking levels of violence.
[19] Primarily due to a strong alcohol lobby and the government’s dependence on alcohol sales as a source of revenue.
During the research and compilation of this paper I have been privileged to meet with and hear the stories of many local residents. I would particularly like to acknowledge the following people who have assisted me greatly.
Town Campers – thank you for welcoming into your communities, particularly in the midst of the current political and social pressure upon you. Particular thanks to the Williams family (Hidden Valley residents) and Peggy Brown (Hoppy’s Camp President).
Mr. William Tilmouth (CEO, Tangentyere Council) – you were more than generous with your time and assistance, introducing me to the impressive work of your grass-roots organisation and providing invaluable historical and political information.
Ms. Fran Kilgariff (Mayor, Alice Springs Town Council) – thank you for your availability and provision of relevant task force documents.
Dr. Peter Tait (Medical Coordinator, Central Australian Aboriginal Congress) – thank you for sharing your experiences working with the Aboriginal people of Alice Springs, your commitment is very obvious.
References
Alice Springs Town Camps Task Force (2006) ASTCTF Review Report. June 2006.
Centralian Advocate, Tuesday 3 April 2007, ‘Indigenous health rebuke’, Alice Springs: Centralian Advocate.
Coghlan, F. (1991) ‘Aboriginal Town Camps and Tangentyere Council The Battle for Self Determination in Alice Springs’. Unpublished Masters Thesis. Cited in: Tangentyere Council (2000) The Tangentyere Protocols, Alice Springs: Tangentyere Council/CADPHC/CRH.
Dart, J. (2007) ‘Aussie health shame’, Centralian Advocate, Tuesday 3 April 2007, Alice Springs: Centralian Advocate.
Foster, D., Mitchell, J., Ulrich, J., Williams, R. (2005) Population and Mobility in the Town Camps of Alice Springs. Alice Springs: Tangentyere Council Research Unit/Desert Knowledge Cooperative Research Centre.
Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission (1997) Bringing Them Home, ?????
Morrison, G. (2007) ‘No more of this… [Town Camp redevelopment feature]’, Centralian Advocate, Friday March 16 2007, Alice Springs: Centralian Advocate.
Northern Territory Government (2006) The Alice in 10 Times, Issue 10 July 2006, Alice Springs: NT Government.
Rowse, T. (1998) White Flour White Power, .
Weitz, A. and Franceys, R. (2002) Beyond Boundaries: Extending Services to the Urban Poor. Manila: Asian Development Bank.
Tangentyere Council (2000) The Tangentyere Protocols, Tangentyere Council/CADPHC/CRH: Alice Springs.
Tangentyere Council (2004) Tangentyere Council Annual Report 2003-2004, Alice Springs: Tangentyere Council.
Footnotes
[1] These include: social, shopping, sport, ceremonial and to access medical services. The latter is a particular issue, with many people coming in for therapy such as dialysis and requiring numerous family members to accompany them as well (Foster et al 2005). Camping out is prohibited by Council by-laws and accommodation is both expensive and scarce so Town Camps are the default option for anyone with relatives there.
[2] This list is drawn from the definition of poverty provided by Weitz and Franceys (2003) of the ADB.
[3] Coghlan (1991) describes these as existing initially as ration depots and labour camps.
[4] This prohibition was declared in 1928 (Aboriginal Ordinance 1918) and lasted until the 1964 Social Welfare Ordinance was passed (which the Alice Springs Town Management Board attempted to circumvent unsuccessfully on multiple occasions) (Rowse 1998).
[5] The exception to this was the maintenance of a pool of half-caste Aboriginal people in Alice Springs to provide labour for the growing town.
[6] Albert Namatjira and various other artists led the way in their application for Morris Soap Camp, which was initially rejected.
[7] Tangentyere is an Arrente word meaning ‘coming together of people’.
[8] Tangentyere CEO, William Tilmouth, described there being many barriers for Town Campers in bridging to mainstream employment. These include: language (English is never a first language); lack of education; transport difficulties; familial overcrowding and household disruptions; frequent illness; caring for unofficial dependents; differences in culture and world-view (e.g. needing to take part in ‘sorry business’ without notice).
[9] Tangentyere Financial Counsellor, Leigh Shacklady, described a steady stream of clients becoming bankrupt after signing loan agreement that they did not understand. He showed me a current brochure advertising quick cash loans with an interest rate of 1300%. He had just seen a Town Camp client who had borrowed $100 from this lender, defaulted on two repayments, had managed to pay back $100 and now owed over $300 on the original loan!
[10] Tangentyere Council is the representative organization of Town Campers and was established to coordinate services, improve infrastructure and provide a political voice (see Appendix I).
[11] During the influx of visitors it is not uncommon to see more than 20 adults and children occupying a single three bedroom house. It is quite normal to see bedding and blankets strewn outside houses with residents taking turns sleeping, washing and using the limited bathroom facilities. ‘Tin sheds’ are temporary housing facilities for those awaiting a house vacancy. Nearly half of the houses are 30 years old and only eight new houses have been built in the past five years with the backlog on maintenance and upgrading rising exponentially.
[12] The latter is exacerbated by a large number of foreign-trained doctors from non-English speaking backgrounds making the cultural and language gap even wider.
[13] The Australian Medical Association recently declared no confidence in the Northern Territory government over its poor handling of the Aboriginal health crisis. Centralian Advocate, Tuesday 3 April 2007, ‘Indigenous health rebuke’, Darwin: Media Networks. Dart, J. (2007) ‘Aussie health shame’, Centralian Advocate, Tuesday 3 April 2007, Darwin: Media Networks.
[14] It took Abbots Camp residents 7 years to get granted ‘dry town’ permission from the Liquor Commission.
[15] This is exacerbated by the steady flow of visitors who often take advantage of the plentiful supply of cheap alcohol and bring large quantities into the Camps where they are stopping with relatives.
[16] The Clontarf Foundation’s Football Academy links sport to school attendance and supports Aboriginal boys right through to further education and employment.
[17] These include power, water, sewerage, street lighting, creation of individual lots, metering of houses, guttering, kerbing, footpaths and storm water.
[18] Critics say that this ‘elsewhere’ will be into Town Camps, thus putting the most vulnerable (i.e. female Aboriginal Town Campers) at even greater risk and potentially escalating the already shocking levels of violence.
[19] Primarily due to a strong alcohol lobby and the government’s dependence on alcohol sales as a source of revenue.
